NATOs Parlamentariske Forsamling 2007-08 (2. samling)
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NATOs Parlamentariske Forsamling
(2. samling)
NPA alm. del - Bilag 4
Offentligt
NATO Parliamentary Assembly
DEVELOPMENT OF CIVIL SOCIETY AND
ECONOMY IN THE MENA REGION
DRAFT REPORT
VAHIT ERDEM (TURKEY)
RAPPORTEUR*
International Secretariat
5 September 2007
*
Until this document has been approved by the Mediterranean Special Group, it represents
only the views of the Rapporteur.
Assembly documents are available on its website, http://www.nato-paint
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
I.
II.
III.
IV.
INTRODUCTION
CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE MENA REGION
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE MENA REGION
1
1
4
WESTERN DEVELOPMENTAL AID AND CIVIL SOCIETY SUPPORT FOR THE MENA
REGION
A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
F.
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND INITIATIVES
NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS (NGOS)
OWN INITIATIVES OF THE MENA REGION
(WESTERN) GOVERNMENT INITIATIVES IN THE MENA REGION
EDUCATIONAL AND ACADEMIC EXCHANGE
CASE STUDY: THE LEBANESE RECONSTRUCTION
5
5
9
9
10
12
13
14
15
17
V.
VI.
VII.
NEW APPROACHES TO ISLAM AND DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION
RECOMMENDATIONS
REFERENCES AND SOURCES
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I.
INTRODUCTION
The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region as well as the Gulf states are a politically
1.
and economically heterogeneous group of countries that are often incorrectly characterized as a
collection of relatively homogenous states, sometimes addressed with a singular policy approach.
This flawed approach may have taken hold because of the assumed common religious, cultural
and ethnic profiles of the region's nations, and a range of shared political, security, diplomatic, and
economic challenges. Nonetheless, since it is difficult to discuss an entire region in detail, the
report acknowledges that the region is heterogeneous but tends to face similar challenges and
problems.
This report attempts to address recent civil society and economic developments in the
2.
MENA and Gulf region, looks at Western and international developmental aid in these fields
towards the region and gives recommendations on how existing policies and initiatives could be
refined and improved.
II.
CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE MENA REGION
There are many definitions of what constitutes civil society and various different opinions
3.
about whether political parties, family and clan structures etc. should be included. Two definitions
are quoted below at length and will serve well in the context of civil society activities in the MENA
region addressed in this report.
According to the Centre for Civil Society at the London School of Economics (LSE), "Civil
4.
society refers to the arena of uncoerced collective action around shared interests, purposes and
values. In theory, its institutional forms are distinct from those of the state, family and market,
though in practice, the boundaries between state, civil society, family and market are often
complex, blurred and negotiated. Civil society commonly embraces a diversity of spaces, actors
and institutional forms, varying in their degree of formality, autonomy and power. Civil societies are
often populated by organisations such as registered charities, development non-governmental
organisations, community groups, women's organisations, faith-based organisations, professional
associations, trades unions, self-help groups, social movements, business associations, coalitions
and advocacy group."
According to the Arab Human Development Report (AHDR) 2002 of the United Nations
5.
Development Programme (UNDP), "Civil society, lying between the individual and the state,
comprises groups (organized or unorganized) and individuals interacting socially, politically and
economically and regulated by formal and informal rules and laws. Civil-society organizations
(CSOs) are the host of associations around which society voluntarily organizes. They include trade
unions; non-governmental organizations (NGOs); gender, language, cultural and religious groups;
and
cooperatives
clubs;
sports
and
social
associations;
business
charities;
community-development organizations; environmental groups; professional associations;
academic and policy institutions; and media outlets. Political parties are also included although
they straddle civil society and the state if they are represented in parliament.
The benefits of a strong civil society in a given country are obvious. According to the United
6.
Nations Programme on Governance in the Arab Region (POGAR), "Civil society organizations
may provide checks on government power. In doing so, they may contribute to better governance
by enhancing the accountability and transparency of the political system. The CSOs may also
contribute to policy formulations, safeguard rights, articulate interests, and deliver social services.
In doing so, they may enhance efficiency and participation in public affairs and strengthen the rule
of law, other characteristics of good governance. Media institutions, for instance, have sometimes,
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where they enjoy reasonable freedom of expression, indeed become important vehicles of
accountability, transparency, and participation, benefiting and representing the citizenry more
effectively than the official legislative organs of government."
The four Arab Human development reports (AHDR; 2002-2005), written by Arab academics
7.
and UN professionals for the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) present the major
obstacles that the development of a healthy civil society in Arab states currently faces. The
AHDRs assess the MENA region in terms of education levels, literacy rates, gender equality, life
expectancy, health, transparency and democratic structure of public institutions and other
indicators and link these factors to development in general. In many of these areas, the MENA
region has done poorly. The reports directly associated development with the problems of
governance, politics, women's rights, health care and education matters.
8.
Regarding the two issues of this report - economic development and civil society - one has to
acknowledge firstly that the different countries of the region are far from being homogeneous and
cannot be treated with a one-size fits all approach. While the economic development in the Gulf
States is thriving, civil society participation remains low. On the other hand, Lebanon, for example,
has a lively civil society with almost 5,000 NGOs but suffers from economic problems resulting
from a number of current and historical conflicts.
9.
To analyze civil society activities and actors, the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies
suggests five categories for civil society actors in Arab countries: (1) leisure and socializing
activities, (2) social assistance and social service delivery, (3) knowledge oriented activities, (4)
societal interest representation and (5) public interest advocacy. While the majority of activities
today in the MENA region are concentrated on the first three categories, especially social welfare,
the last two have more political implications. POGAR mentions industry associations, trade unions,
commercial associations, employers' associations, professional associations, media institutions,
non-governmental organizations, and officially recognized human rights organizations and political
parties as the most relevant civil society elements and actors.
10. Unfortunately, systematic data on CSOs activities, members and societal impact are still very
limited in the MENA region. To compare simply the (often estimated) numbers of exiting NGOs in
a certain country says little about their relevance and impact. With some hesitancy, however, it is
possible to say that countries such as Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, Egypt, Lebanon and Yemen
have a relatively large number of NGOs, while there are few to none in the Gulf States, Sudan,
and Syria.
11. When examining the relations between Arab states and their CSOs, there are again wide
variations. In closed and autocratic states like Libya, Syria and several Gulf States, NGOs and any
kind of independent CSO is suppressed and prohibited. Where they do exist, they are often
completely controlled by the State. States like Kuwait, Bahrain, Egypt, Yemen and Tunisia, on the
other hand are recently opening their systems to more civil society participation, and have a
growing number of organizations that are becoming autonomous from state-control. States like
Algeria, Morocco, Lebanon and also the Palestinians have large and active civil societies that are
— at least compared to the other countries in the region - allowed to work relatively freely. The
relevant laws concerning CSOs are the Association Laws, NGO Laws, Media and Press Laws,
Syndicate and Political Party Laws that exist in most MENA countries or are currently written or
changed. Next to these laws, administrative measures often forbid, restrict or strongly regulate
activities of CSOs and leave much room for the state to intervene and prohibit their activities, foe
example through the registration and licensing processes of associations. Sometimes political
decisions simply overrule legal and administrative regulations. In some countries, like Egypt, the
declared state of emergency has become almost permanent which allows the executive branch to
limit various freedoms.
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12. While there are many outside factors effecting or preventing the work of CSOs, the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies also notes the internal limitations of existing organizations in
MENA countries, including a generally weak contemporary culture of civic participation, a
structural and financial dependency on the state, as well as weak internal capacities, democratic
structures and ideological fragmentations.
13. While the AHDR in 2003 observed a rather negative trend concerning state-civil society
organisations in many Arab countries and gave a rather pessimistic outlook, the AHDR 2005
clearly notes a growth of activism in CSOs throughout the Arab world and observes a "qualitative
leap in the pace, scope and impact of their activities". They became in general more visible and
self-confident with their positions and made increased use of — where existing - independent
press, satellite television channels and in public rallies.
14. It is justifiable to say that in the past years, CSOs in MENA countries in general have gained
influence in several countries. Both through national initiatives and through the international and
Western influence, "civil society" has become an integral part of Arab political discourse. NGOs
were able in the last years to raise political issues that included electoral processes, human rights,
women's rights, transparency and corruption, health systems, environmental issues, justice and
public information.
15. One prominent example is the Egyptian "Kifaya! (Enough!)" movement that openly opposed
the Egyptian President's re-election and the transfer of power to his son. The movement included
various political alliances, the Muslim Brotherhood and CSOs that declared their solidarity with the
movement. Another example is Syria, where different opposition groups issued the "Damascus
Declaration" demanding that the ruling party adopt constitutional changes and other political
changes. In Bahrain, political and civil society associations signed a statement in 2005 rejecting an
anti-terrorism bill that they saw as a threat to their recently gained freedom of expression, opinion
and action. In Sudan, widespread activity by political and CSOs to implement the peace
agreement and approve a new constitution guaranteeing public freedoms could be observed. In
Jordan, unions protested against a new bill on professional associations, which would reduce the
current limited but existing rights of free expression and assembly. In Saudi Arabia, Arab and
international human rights organisations asked the new King to release prisoners that had served
their terms, and the King granted this.
16. The AHDR 2005 also positively mentions the increased female participation in CSOs.
According to the report, their more visible presence helps to re-educate society to accept an active
female presence and contributes to replacing the traditional feminine stereotype. A growth of
mainly online networks can also be observed. Examples are the Arab Regional Resource Centre
on Violence against Women (AMAN), the Arab Network for Human Rights Information, the
International Bureau for Humanitarian NGOs (IBH), the Sada web site for the defence of rights
and freedoms and the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network (Links see References in the
end).
17. Some Western countries fund CSOs as part of developmental aid as well as for serving their
own political agendas, while often bypassing the foreign national governments. Some examples
and actors are mentioned in the following chapters. This has sometimes led to drastic reactions of
Arab governments and to debates about whether Western funding should be accepted by foreign
CSOs, without government consent. Another question that arises is how much Western funding
influences foreign politics and cultures to follow Western values.
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III.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE MENA REGION
18. In the field of economics, it is important to bear in mind that economic structures in MENA
countries vary and that each country faces different problems. Nevertheless, economies in the
MENA region can roughly be divided into two types: the rentier model economies and the
semi-rentier models. The rentier model, especially apparent in the Gulf states, almost completely
depends on the selling oil and distributing parts of the revenue to citizens (a fact that leads
analysts to correctly refer to "the oilfare states" instead of "welfare states"). An important exception
is Algeria, where there are high revenues from oil but little re-distribution. The semi-rentier states
in the rest of the MENA region depend on back-transfers from their nationals working abroad,
foreign aid and outside loans. An exception to this rule would be Tunisia. Among the most serious
economic problems that countries in the region face in varying degrees are economic stagnation,
a rapid population growth, inadequate education, as well as the availability of water and other
natural resources.
19. In a recent paper on economic reform in the Arab World, the Carnegie Middle East Center
calculated various economic figures for 2005. According to the paper, Arab countries only make
up 5.5% of global exports, 90% of which comes from oil. The MENA countries have the highest
unemployment rate in the world with an average of more than 12% in 2006. It is the highest
among first-time job seekers and this generates high frustration especially among many young
people in the region, which has, in turn, political and economic consequences. GDP has declined
in many of the countries over the last few years, while productivity remains low.
20. Economic reforms have been on the political agenda of many Arab countries in the past. The
Carnegie paper suggests mainly three reasons why these economic reforms so far had only
limited success. The reasons include the lack of a common understanding what reform means.
International organisations, Western governments, populations and governments of MENA
countries all have a different idea of what economic reform means and how to measure it. Second,
the MENA countries lack the capacity and commitment to reform economies. A third reason is that
the established elites have resisted and obstructed economic reform that, especially when it is
linked to political reform, might be seen as harmful to their positions. Sometimes the Arab-Israeli
conflicts are also used as an excuse for the delay of economic reforms in countries that are not
directly involved in the conflict.
21. While economic reform can hardly be undertaken without political and institutional reform,
different approaches and schools of thought exist about the link between the two. The EU's
Barcelona process, for example, aims for a simultaneous political, social and economic
development, while other states and actors set clear priorities for either institutional-political or
economic reforms first.
22. Other economic problems of the MENA region are its weak integration into the international
economy and its low level of intra-regional trade. The economies are among the most heavily
protected in the developing world. With the global competition growing fiercer, the MENA region
will find it more and more difficult to compete with other countries and regions in any field.
23. The level of Western and foreign direct investment in general in the MENA region is
extraordinarily low. Among the reasons are perceived and real political uncertainties and
instabilities, poorly structured equity markets, a relatively low level of private business activity,
inadequate worker training, administrative complications and the level of corruption.
24. In some countries an insufficient and old infrastructure is an obstacle for economic
development. While roads, communication systems etc. are well-developed in the Gulf states and
in Jordan, Tunisia and Morocco, there are shortcomings in some other countries. The widespread
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use of mobile telephones in all MENA countries, however, has compensated the former
communication insufficiencies.
25. The MENA and to a lesser extent the Gulf region suffer from a brain drain. Scientific and
academic research and development spending is low throughout the MENA region. With some
exceptions, academia in general suffers from problems with funding, institutional structures and a
political environment that restricts scientific dialogue. Like in many other regions in the world and
also several European states, this causes a brain drain in the MENA region that looses its
best-educated parts of the population to Europe and especially the US. There is also an intra-Arab
brain drain and work migration towards the oil-rich Arab Gulf states.
26. On a more positive note, the Arab Gulf states Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates,
Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, and Oman have long enjoyed relatively open trade and capital movement
policies, but all were afflicted by the downturn in oil prices. This and the fact that all of these
states will run out of oil and gas sooner or later has inspired some of these countries to pursue an
economic diversification. For example, Oman has started to pursue a policy of privatization,
introduced more open foreign capital investment laws and tries to promote tourism as an
economic alternative. Dubai is trying to become a luxurious shopping, living and working
environment. Bahrain is pursuing the enormous Financial Harbour project and also trying to
promote tourism. To counter the negative consequences of oil dependency, some countries in the
region, including Kuwait, Oman and Iran have established Oil Stabilization Funds in which portions
of oil earnings are saved abroad in order to weaken the impact of oil price changes on the non-oil
domestic economy.
WESTERN DEVELOPMENTAL AID AND CIVIL SOCIETY SUPPORT FOR THE
MENA REGION
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND INITIATIVES
IV.
A.
27. Most Western countries, i.e. countries of the European Union, the US, Canada and others,
as well as international and regional organizations have developmental aid programmes and
policies towards the MENA and Gulf region. The rationale for that are diverse. While some would
stress altruistic reasons such as developed countries have an obligation to help less fortunate
ones, others see developmental aid as a political instrument to prevent streams of refugees from
the MENA region, especially to Europe, in order to prevent terrorism etc. "Aid conditionality" has
been discussed in the past in this context. The question is how much Western aid to MENA
countries should be and actually is tied to criteria like anti-corruption measures, economic
governance initiatives and political reforms. Various political schools of thought have addressed
this problem differently. Political realism, stemming from the Cold War time, clearly sees
developmental aid as a tool to influence a certain country's decisions. Political internationalism
sees developmental aid as a set of pragmatic measures in order to enhance socio-economic and
political development. The World System Theory blames developmental aid for constraining
development and for promoting inequality through mechanisms of capital access.
28. In practice, Western countries almost always tie their developmental aid to the fulfillment of
criteria, while other donors, e.g. organisations from Arab Gulf states, for example, do this less or
not at all. China, a growing actor in international developmental aid, is also putting less or different,
less idealistic conditions on its aid and is criticized for its behavior in Sudan, for example. In the
long term, these developments will challenge current Western developmental aid practices and
reduce the leverage developmental aid currently has.
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29. Sometimes the discussion about aid conditionality, especially in MENA countries, leads to
the general question of whether Western values are universal. While the report will not go into
deeper philosophical and historical elaborations, it is often argued that even the UN is after all a
product of Western historical and political developments. While some independent Arab countries
were founding members of the United Nations (UN), Saudi Arabia, for example, has not signed the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. Other conservative groups and radical Islamists
also more and more seem to reject Western developmental projects as "cultural imperialism". With
a certain justification, they see the emphasis on gender equality, women quota etc. as too much of
an interference in cultural issues. Developmental projects that do not address sensitivities on the
recipient's side are often condemned to fail and to be counter-productive. To demonstrate current
Western developmental aid approaches towards the MENA region, only a small selection of actors
and their programmes will be discussed below.
1.
European Union
30. The European Union is one of the world's largest donors of developmental aid. Its declared
aims are human rights and democracy promotion, security and economic development.
31. Its "Barcelona Process", the name commonly given to the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership
(EMP), was started in November 1995 and launched a wide framework of political, economic and
social relations between the Member States of the European Union and its Partners of the
Southern Mediterranean. This process includes bilateral relations between the EU and
Mediterranean Partner countries, as well as a regional co-operation in the political, economic and
cultural fields. The activities are divided into three chapters or "baskets", the Political and Security
Chapter, the Economic and Financial Chapter and the Social, Cultural and Human Chapter.
32. According to the European Commission, the "Barcelona Process is a unique and ambitious
initiative, which laid the foundations of a new regional relationship and which represents a turning
point in Euro-Mediterranean relations". The "Social, Cultural and Human Chapter" aims at a
"rapprochement between peoples through a social, cultural and human partnership aimed at
encouraging understanding between cultures and exchanges between civil societies."
33. Currently the European Union has 10 Mediterranean Partners in this programme: Algeria,
Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, the Palestinian Authority, Syria, Tunisia and Turkey.
Libya has observer status since 1999.
34. The EMP is helping to deepen trade co-operation between the European Union and the
Mediterranean partner countries. It has extended duty free access to a range of products traded in
both directions, although several crucial but sensitive sectors are left out. The goal is to create a
free trade area by 2010 engaging some 40 countries.
35.
As a joint common institution, established and financed by all 35 members of the
Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Anna Lindh Euro-Mediterranean Foundation for the Dialogue
between Cultures, based in Alexandria in Egypt, is bringing together people and organisations
from all its member countries to increase mutual understanding, develop human resources and
promote tolerance, especially targeting young people. It also fosters civil society exchanges and
cooperation through its 35 national networks in the EMP countries.
36.
Following the Barcelona Declaration and the importance it is giving to direct civil society
cooperation, the Euro-Mediterranean Civil Forum was then founded in 1995. It is a non-institutional
initiative for co-ordination and debate among the civil societies of the EMP members. It gathers
some 1,200 European and Mediterranean social, economic and cultural agents and has been
reconvened annually since 1995. The aim is to consolidate the cooperation of civil societies in the
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EMP countries and to revise, evaluate and launch common working projects of civil society actors.
In 2004, the Forum adopted its charter of common values and principles for membership.
37. The main financial instruments of the Barcelona Process are the accompanying financial and
technical measures MEDA and the European Investment Bank. From 1995 to 2003, MEDA
committed 5,458 million euros in co-operation programmes, projects and other supporting
activities. The European Investment Bank has lent approximately € 14 billion for developing
activities in the Euro-Mediterranean Partners since 1974. Responsible for the Budget are the
European Parliament, the Council, the Court of Auditors and the DG External Relations of the
European Commission.
38. To complement the Barcelona Process, the EU has also signed action plans under the
European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) with Israel, Jordan, Morocco, the Palestinian Authority and
Tunisia. Egypt and Lebanon are in the process.
39. As the latest institution of the Barcelona Process, the Euro-Mediterranean Parliamentary
Assembly (EMPA) was established in Naples in December 2003. It consists of appointed national
parliamentarians of EU member states, parliamentarians of the 10 partner countries - Algeria,
Egypt, Jordan, Israel, Lebanon, Morocco, the Palestinian Authority, Syria, Tunisia and Turkey -, as
well as parliamentarians of the European Parliament. Its aim is to "provide parliamentary impetus"
for the Euro-Mediterranean partnership. It meets at least once a year and works in three
committees, the Committee on Political Affairs, Security and Human Rights, the Committee on
Economic, Financial and Social Affairs and Education and the Committee on the Promotion of the
Quality of Life, Human Exchanges and Culture.
40. In December 2005, the European Commission, the Council of the EU, and the European
Parliament signed the European Consensus on Development, which sets out a common vision for
European development co-operation. A long overdue strategy, it emphasizes a need for aid
coherence, co-ordination and complementary action.
2.
G8 and the MENA region
41. At the 2004 Summit in Sea Island of the Group of Eight (G8), (i.e. the governments of
Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States that
together represent about 65% of the world economy), the US initiated the Broader Middle East and
North Africa Initiative to engage Europe and the MENA region in a dialogue on economic and
political reform. It is supposed to be a multi-national development programme to support the
political, economic, and social reform efforts. To follow-up on this, there is a regular held "Forum
for the Future" conference.
3.
UNDP
42. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has country offices and programmes
in most MENA countries, including Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait,
Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, the Palestinian territory, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia,
United Arab Emirates, and Yemen, as well as the Regional Bureau for Arab States (RBAS) based
in New York. It aims to implement the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) in Arab countries and
deals mainly with questions of Democratic Governance, Poverty Reduction, Women's
Empowerment, Knowledge Societies, HIV and Development, Energy and Environment, and Youth.
For the whole region, 377 million USD for 2005 and 117 million USD for 2006 were allocated.
70 percent of these funds are concentrated in programmes on Iraq, Egypt, and Sudan.
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43. In 2000, UNDP launched the "Programme on Governance in the Arab Region (POGAR)" at
the request of Arab governments and tries to address their individual needs and concerns. It is
dedicated to the promotion and development of good governance and reforms in the Arab states.
POGAR assists governments, civil society and the private sector to improve governance
processes, through programme activities related to rule of law, participation, transparency and
accountability and include policy advice, institutional capacity building and testing pilot projects.
These projects are always at the request of governments and other actors in the region.
4.
The World Bank
44. The World Bank focuses on governance and public sector management projects, private
sector development and employment, quality of education, equal opportunities for men and
women, on scarce water resources and on civil society interaction in the MENA region. It
produces detailed country studies about the MENA region and has "partnerships" with local and
regional development banks, as well as with the EU. Its aim is to help countries in the region
"meet their development challenges" through reforms, capacity building, improvement of the
investment climate, general economic growth and job-creation.
5.
OECD
45. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) runs an "Initiative on
Governance and Investment for Development" programme in the MENA region that was launched
in 2005. It consists of two pillars: the Good Governance for Development in the Arab Countries
Initiative and the Investment Programme. Both aim at improving and modernizing governance
structures and thus stimulating more economic growth and (international) investment. They
produce dialogue through OECD-MENA ministerial meetings, for example, as well as practical
help, cooperation, advice and capacity building. The OECD stresses that its MENA initiative is a
"regional effort, initiated and led by countries in the Middle East and North Africa" and it
cooperates with other programs and actors, e.g. the UNDP-POGAR. Participating countries are
Bahrain, the UAE, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Palestine National
Authority, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen.
46. The OECD took an important step towards an improved coordination of developmental aid
worldwide when the Paris Declaration was endorsed on 2 March 2005. Over 100 ministers from
many states, including the US and many European, African and Asian countries, as well as
international organisations, including European institutions, the World Bank and others, adhered to
the Declaration and committed their countries and organisations to continue to increase efforts to
harmonise, align and better manage aid, as well as to agree on an output-oriented monitoring of
aid effectiveness.
6.
NATO
47. NATO's Mediterranean Dialogue (MD) and the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI) are the
most relevant programmes regarding the Middle East, North Africa and the Gulf Region.
48. The Mediterranean Dialogue started at the end of 1994 and is today meant to be
complementary to other initiatives, like the European Union's Barcelona Process. It offers a
platform for political consultations and practical cooperation with the Mediterranean partner
countries, both on a bilateral and a multilateral level. Currently Egypt, Israel, Mauritania, Morocco,
Tunisia, Jordan, Algeria are Mediterranean partner countries of NATO. The Istanbul Cooperation
Initiative was launched in December 2004 to broaden the geographical spectrum of NATO's
Broader Middle East efforts, involving the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council. So far,
Bahrain, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar have adhered to ICI.
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49. Most of NATO's efforts in these programmes are directed towards the area of security and
defence, i.e. more classical hard-security issues. But in addition, NATO has developed a Public
Diplomacy strategy, which involves representatives of the civil society of MENA countries. It is
subject to debate, whether NATO should engage more in soft security issues in general and in the
MENA region especially.
50. The NATO PA is also contributing to the field of civil society support discussed in this report.
During its country visits to the MENA and Gulf countries and also during its seminars, NATO
Parliamentarians discuss civil society issues and are regularly involving parliamentarians,
academics, journalists and NGO representatives from the MENA and Gulf region in their activities.
These visits also provide NATO Parliamentarians with a way to introduce the NATO PA and
provide partner countries with a clearer picture of its work and the wide range of political opinions
of its members. It thus helps to counter mutual misperceptions. Ideas have been discussed about
further involving parliamentarians and parliamentary staff from the MENA and Gulf region in NATO
PA activities by offering them training programmes in Brussels.
B.
1.
NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS (NGOS)
Transparency International (TI)
51. TI is the most important international organization solely dedicated to the fight against
corruption. It produces country reports on corruption, as well as the Corruption Perceptions Index
that ranks countries according to their level of corruption.
52. TI has 16 National Chapters, five National Chapters in Formation and six National Contacts
in the MENA region. In cooperation with the national authorities, TI responds to local requests in
order to fight corruption, for example when it is requested to help to establish control mechanisms.
Financed by the European Commission, TI is currently running the Programme "Equipping the
Civil Society to Combat Corruption in the Arab World" and is involved in the G8 Broader Middle
East and North Africa Initiative and the Forum for the Future. Its priorities are local capacity
building and the promotion of anti-corruption conventions.
2.
Amnesty International (Al)
53. Al sees itself as a "is a worldwide movement of people who campaign for internationally
recognized human rights". It is one of the most important NGOs solely dedicated to the prevention
of abuse of human rights, as expressed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It produces
detailed country reports about human rights violations, sends fact-finding missions to countries
where it is granted entry, and runs campaigns for individual human rights cases. The Middle East
and North Africa are among the prime regions of concern for Al. Its work is done from the
International Headquarter in London, as well as through country and thematic groups based on
voluntary engagement in many other countries, as well as through country offices where it is
allowed. Amnesty stresses its independence and thus does not accept funding from governments.
C.
OWN INITIATIVES OF THE MENA REGION
54. Different state and non-state actors in the MENA and especially in the Gulf region have
given developmental aid to developing countries in the past as well. Most of the time their focus is
other Arab and Muslim countries. Their developmental aid is often as politically motivated as
Western developmental aid. The funded projects are of a more technical and practical nature,
helping with disaster relief, infrastructure improvement, and construction of school and hospitals.
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These efforts are a contribution to the economic development of target countries. Only some
examples are mentioned here.
55. The government of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) stresses that developmental aid is an
important part of its foreign policy, because it sees it as a duty for all Muslims and as an obligation
for oil-rich countries to help others. In 2006 it focused on giving money to Lebanon during and
after the summer of 2006 war. Before it allocated funds for the natural disasters in Indonesia and
Pakistan, for example. The UAE government cooperates with UN organisations and the Red
Crescent Society. Most of the funds are administered by the Abu Dhabi Fund for Development
(ADFD), which has provided 5.4 billion USD in aid to over 240 projects in 55 countries since it was
founded in 1971.
56. In Kuwait, the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development, established in 1961 with the
country's independence, was created as a government body to facilitate Kuwaiti developmental
aid. Its original mandate to support development in other Arab countries was later expanded to
supporting all developing countries. Its paid-up capital since its foundation amounts to more than
5 billion euros and almost 600 large-scale technical assistance projects in 96 countries have been
financed. The Kuwait Finance House, the largest Islamic investment Bank, currently invests
10 billion USD annually mainly in Muslim countries. Other Kuwaiti state and non-state actors such
as the Arab Fund for Social and Economic Development are also active in supporting development
projects.
57. In Saudi-Arabia, the Saudi Fund for Development was established in 1974 as the state's
primary developmental aid distributor. Driven by similar motives like Kuwait, the obligation of
Muslims and oil-rich nations to help others, the Fund has given aid to Arab, Muslim and
development countries. The aim is to help the countries in implementing their social and economic
development agendas. The Fund itself stresses that in several years its annual budget has
amounted to 6% of the Saudi GNP, while many Western countries have failed to reach even their
modest goal of 0.7% developmental aid of its GNP.
D.
(WESTERN) GOVERNMENT INITIATIVES IN THE MENA REGION
58. Most Western countries give different kinds of developmental aid to MENA countries. Some
actors and programmes are mentioned below to illustrate their priorities.
59. Reaching the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDG) plays a large role in Western
development efforts. These eight Goals, that range from cutting extreme poverty in half to halting
the spread of HIV/AIDS and providing universal primary education, all by 2015, were agreed upon
by world leaders at the United Nations Millennium Summit in 2000 and have become important
guidelines for Western developmental aid policies. They set time-bound and measurable goals for
combating poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy, environmental degradation and discrimination
against women and include a wide range of commitments in human rights, good governance and
democracy promotion.
Whether developmental aid is seen as a political tool of a country's foreign policy also
60.
differs. The US government, for example, clearly sees its overseas developmental aid as part of its
foreign policy. According to USAID, "US foreign assistance has always had the twofold purpose of
furthering America's foreign policy interests in expanding democracy and free markets while
improving the lives of the citizens of the developing world." USAID is one of the largest single
donors of developmental aid. Through its sectoral approach, USAID aims to promoting the rule of
law, elections, civil society, good governance and anti-corruption initiatives. It supports democratic
reforms, the participation of women, and is trying to promote political openness through
encouraging independence and professionalism of the media. It gives assistance to coalitions of
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professional associations, civic education groups, women's rights organizations, business and
labour federations, media groups, bar associations, environmental activist groups, human rights
monitoring organizations, as well as to trade unions. In the MENA region, it is running programmes
in Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, West Bank/Gaza and in Yemen. In 2006, USAID spent
approximately 1.7 billion USD for development assistance in the region. Through the Middle East
Regional Cooperation Program (MERC), USAID funds and tries to encourage joint research
projects between Israel and Arab countries. The US has also established a Middle East
Partnership Initiative (MEPI) to support economic and employment growth by encouraging private
sector expansion and entrepreneurship, fostering greater democratic dialogue in the political
process, improving governance and respect for the rule-of-law and strengthening civil society in
general. The new Millennium Challenge Cooperation (MCC) guidelines state that developmental
aid must take into account both aid and security considerations of the US by only awarding money
to countries in this programme if they meet the set standards of "excellence in ruling justly,
investing in people and promoting economic freedom".
61. In the United Kingdom, the state's developmental aid is mainly run by the Department for
International Development (DFID). The Middle East and North Africa Department within DFID was
created in 2002 and is now managing the programmes in Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, the Palestinian
Territory, and Yemen. In addition, it has an office in East Jerusalem, and staff in British Embassies
in Cairo, Amman, Sana'a and Baghdad. Its Regional Assistance Plan for the MENA Region
mentions DFID's commitment to the Millennium Development Goals. The priorities are supporting
a good development progress, reducing conflicts, economic and social development and good
governance promotion. For the above mentioned countries, as well as for Syria and Lebanon
programs, DFID has spent between 40 and 50 million British pounds a year in the recent past.
62. The state-run German Technical Cooperation (GTC) has 11 country offices through which it
is executing its projects in 15 countries: Algeria, Egypt, Iran, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco,
Oman, Palestinian Territory, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates and
Yemen. It is currently implementing about 150 projects in 15 countries and has an annual budget
of approximately 120 million euros. The main working fields of the GTC are water questions,
education, economic reforms, as well as the EU neighbourhood policy, the Euro-Mediterranean
Free Trade Area planned for 2010 and security. It is also involved in legal reforms project and runs
the model project "Islam and developmental cooperation" (see below). The state-run development
Bank KfW Entwicklungsbank finances investments and consulting services in developing
countries, including the MENA region. It is trying to improve the economic and social conditions in
target countries through reducing poverty, protecting natural resources and securing peace. In
2005, the Bank allocated 15% of its total funds of approximately 1.2 billion euros to the MENA
region.
63. The activities of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) aim at "bridging
social and economic gaps, improving governance, strengthening democratic institutions, and
ensuring human security." Canada has integrated its developmental assistance fully in its foreign
policy and combines it with diplomatic means. Canada is delivering its developmental aid on a
country-to-country approach, as well as through Canadian NGOs and multilateral organizations. In
2003-2004, the total assistance to the MENA region was approximately $117 million Canadian
dollars (equal to approx. 82 million euros, 105 million US dollars). It concentrates on job creation
programmes, promotion of peace, security and Palestinian refugees in the Middle East, promotion
of human and women's rights, as well as on Iraq. The CIDA runs programs in Algeria, Egypt, Iraq,
Jordan, Lebanon, Mauritania, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia, West Bank and Gaza, and Yemen.
64. In addition to their government policies, various Western countries have political foundations
and organizations, with country offices in MENA and Gulf countries, that support different aspects
etc.
of civil society aspects, e.g. in the areas of worker's unions, press, women's issues, elections
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Examples are the US National Democratic Institute (NDI) and, the German Friedrich Ebert and
Konrad Adenauer Foundations and others.
65. Japan's focus in the MENA region lies in Iraq, the Middle East peace process and in
Afghanistan in order to support the political processes. Large recipients are also Egypt and
Jordan. The Middle East is mentioned by the Foreign Ministry as Japan's primary oil supplier
region and thus good contacts are kept with the Gulf states and the MENA region. Japan
contributes to the Middle East peace process by aiding the Palestinians and other neighbouring
Arab countries, supports social and economic infrastructure development in low-income MENA
countries, trains engineers in the Gulf States and runs environmental programmes. Of its total
ODA budget, however, Japan spends a relatively small amount on the MENA region, for example,
3.1% in 2002.
66. China is about to become an important political player in the MENA region as well. With
some MENA countries, it already has strong economic and political relations, e.g. it is Yemen's
most important importer of goods. Chinese dependency on the oil from the region causes it to
maintain good relations with the Gulf States. This mutual link was confirmed when the new Saudi
King made his first foreign travel to China after taking office in January 2006, instead of the
traditional trip to the US. China has started to allocate developmental aid to the region, especially
to Africa. Chinese investments have less or no requirements regarding, for example, human rights
issues.
E.
EDUCATIONAL AND ACADEMIC EXCHANGE
67. Academic co-operation and the exchange of students and academics can be a sustainable
and effective way of increasing intercultural and mutual understanding. Apart from individual
cooperations that various Western universities have with their counterparts in the MENA region,
many Western countries have educational exchange and financial aid programmes. In several
Arab countries, "Western" schools, or schools following French, British, German, American and
other curricula and teaching in foreign languages, are popular with those who can afford them.
The American Universities of Beirut, Cairo, Dubai, Kuwait etc., following US curricula, are among
the best universities in the region. A German University in Cairo was also opened some years ago.
While the existence of these institutions certainly increase the overall level of education in the
MENA region, their expensive fees increase the gap between the rich and poor.
68. In the US, the Department of State's Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs manages
- among others - the Fulbright Program which is the largest educational program between the US
and the MENA region. In cooperation with the America-Mideast Educational and Training Services
(AMIDEAST) and its offices in MENA countries, it facilitates educational exchanges on various
levels with Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia,
the UAE, West Bank/Gaza and Yemen. Increasing educational exchange activities especially with
the MENA and South Asia region was also mentioned in the 9/11 Commission Report.
69. The British Council is the main instrument of the UK government in facilitating educational
exchange between the UK and MENA region countries. In its plan for 2006-2008, the MENA
region is mentioned as one of the regions that will receive an increase in funding because of its
strategic importance. It organizes mutual exchange programmes on various levels (universities,
academics, students) both to and from the UK with Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia,
the UAE, Yemen, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, the Palestinian Territory, Sudan,
Syria and Tunisia.
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70. The German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) facilitates the state's educational
exchange with the MENA region. It is similar to other programmes, and supports projects focused
on academic and student exchange and university cooperation.
F.
CASE STUDY: THE LEBANESE RECONSTRUCTION
71. Before the most recent war of July-August 2006, Lebanon was experiencing economic
recovery from the 1975-1990 Civil War. This process suffered a setback with the recent hostilities
between Israel and Hezbollah, affecting large parts of the Lebanese infrastructure. The
government of Lebanon assessed the partial or complete destruction of approximately 30,000
houses, 110 bridges, 140 roads, 350 schools and 30 vital infrastructure facilities (airports, ports,
sewage treatment plants, power plants, etc.). Health facilities also suffered extensive damage, as
did over 700 industrial enterprises. A major oil spill off the coast of Jiyeh south of Beirut following
the bombing of a power plant caused environmental damage. About a quarter of Lebanon's
population was displaced during the war. Approximately 1 million cluster bombs that were fired into
Lebanon during the final days of hostilities remain mainly in South Lebanon. The indirect
consequences of the war are a severe economic downturn. (World Bank, Lebanese Ministry of
Finance, Amnesty International).
72. The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701, adopted on 11 August 2006, called on
"the international community to take immediate steps to extend its financial and humanitarian
assistance to the Lebanese people, including through facilitating the safe return of displaced
persons and, under the authority of the Government of Lebanon, reopening airports and harbors
(...) and calls on it also to consider further assistance in the future to contribute to the
reconstruction and development of Lebanon."
73. In response to this call, Sweden hosted the Stockholm Conference on Lebanon's Early
Recovery on 31 August and 1 September in cooperation with the Lebanese government, the
United Nations, the World Bank and the European Union. A wide range of Western and Arab
countries, as well as international organisations participated in the event and pledged almost
800 million USD in aid for Lebanon, the largest single donors being Qatar, the United Arab
Emirates and Saudi Arabia, followed by the US, the EU and its member countries and Turkey. This
support provided conditions for the return of a quarter of the population that was displaced and
also helped to restore basic infrastructure and access to social services. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and
other Arab countries later pledged more money with Saudi Arabia promising 1.5 billion USD to
Lebanon, 500 million USD for reconstruction and 1 billion USD to be deposited in Lebanon's
central bank to support the economy, and Kuwait promising 300 million USD.
74. The second major international conference for support for Lebanon "Paris Ill or Rafic Hariri"
took place on 25 January 2007 in Paris, hosted by President Jacques Chirac. 36 countries and
seven regional and international institutions participated in the conference and pledged
approximately 7.6 billion USD, the single largest donors being the US, the EU and its member
states, Turkey, international organisations such as the World Bank, as well as Arab donors,
including in particular the United Arab Emirates.
75.
In summer 2006, the current expanded and enlarged mission of the United Nation's Interim
Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) came into being with mainly France and Italy behind it. UN resolution
1701 allowed the (increased) deployment of UNIFIL troops, Israel agreed to the mission and, for
the first time ever, entrusted some of its security concerns to a multinational force. Currently, more
than 30,000 troops from 30 countries are deployed under UNIFIL, commanded by the Italian Major
General Claudio Graziano. The mission is a success and has led to a normalisation of life in South
Lebanon.
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76. It will take many years for the Lebanese economic, social and political system to recover
from the war. The large amount of international aid, by means of loans, cash donations and
technical and practical help, will help to bring Lebanon back on the road to positive development,
hopefully protecting it from future domestic and regional conflicts.
77. One important aspect that should be noted is the role of Hezbollah in the reconstruction of
South Lebanon. Immediately after the cessation of hostilities in August 2006, many Hezbollah
fighters engaged in reconstruction efforts, offering help to residents with clearing streets, restoring
electricity and sealing mined areas. Thousands of families were given immediate financial help,
usually a minimum of 12,000 USD each. Thus Hezbollah, who is regarded by many Lebanese as
having won the war against Israel, won many hearts and minds of the Lebanese population,
especially in the south of the country. (Fisk; Gebauer)
78. The international community reacted quickly to the crisis in Lebanon and collected large
amounts of money, but the crisis also highlighted the fact that a similar crisis could occur in this
fragile political region, as well as in other areas. The international community should be prepared
to react to these kinds of emergencies in the MENA region in a more co-ordinated and structured
way.
NEW APPROACHES TO ISLAM AND DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION
V.
79. Islam as an important factor in development cooperation has traditionally been neglected by
the West for political reasons, as a result of resentments and lack of understanding and
competence. But Islam as the predominant religion in most Arab countries is an important social
and political factor that should and is increasingly taken more and more into consideration. Some
promising new trends and ideas have come up recently in the Western developmental approach
especially towards the MENA region. One example is the German GTC. Their past experience in
the MENA region showed that a serious engagement with cultural and Islamic concepts presents a
great opportunity for exerting a positive influence on the success and sustainability of development
cooperation. Islamic organisations and individuals can clearly be helpful mediators in rendering
culturally sensitive reform initiatives, and are often able to direct development efforts towards
pressing social issues. Religious scholars and Islamic councils have, for example, contributed very
effectively to pushing regulations on conservation and the use of natural resources, or promoting
education for girls. In a number of ways Islamic traditions are compatible with the guiding
principles of development cooperation: an orientation towards the preservation of the public
interest (maslaha), the principle of consultation (shura) as the starting point for collective
decision-making, the obligation to distribute profits fairly, as well as conservation of the
environment. All these show clear parallels with the governing principle of sustainable
development. In Yemen, the GTC cooperates with a local NGO that trains women in the
interpretation of Quran and Sunna (the two most important sources for Islamic legal and social
regulations) so that they inform other women afterwards about their (Islamic) rights, thus
diminishing domestic violence. Experience shows that these directly and indirectly trained women
are now better able to make their cases infront of the puclic, media and courts. In Pakistan, a GTC
project on combating violence against women worked with Islamic Institutions in Punjab to
produce information material in simple language on texts from Quran and other Islamic sources. In
Mauritania, local cooperations with authorities and clerics were established in order to use the
Muslim alms concept of "zakat" to establish a working health scheme. The Mauritanian Ministry of
Health and the World Health Organizations (WHO) have endorsed the model project and plan to
expand it to the whole country. Other model projects are run in several MENA countries, including
cooperations with Islamic actors to strenghten and promote good governance based on Islamic
regulations. The GTC has so far been able to establish strong working relationships with Islamic
their
institutions, including mosques and madrasas, Islamic dignitaries and NGOs that stress
Islamic character.
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VI.
RECOMMENDATIONS
80. There are a large number of initiatives, programs, institutions and actors in Western
countries dealing with the MENA region and the topics discussed in this report. Often there is a
lack of coordination in their efforts, and unnecessary duplications occur. More cooperation and
coordination of Western developmental aid would benefit both the donor and the recipient side by
conserving resources and sharing lessons learned. The prospects for success would improve
significantly if the United States and Europe were able to work together. In the past, the US and
Europe have sometimes worked at cross-purposes in the region. The Paris Declaration (see
paragraph 44) is a good step towards an improved harmonisation of development efforts and
should be endorsed and implemented by more governments and organisations.
81. More mechanisms in Western developmental aid should be developed to find out what the
`locals' want, need, discuss and find acceptable. William Easterly gives a rather critical account of
developmental aid in "The White Man's Burden" (see resources). He distinguishes between
"planner"- and "searcher"-approaches. The "planner" approach is often used by international
organisations, Western governments and others who draw up plans in Western capitals, believing
that they know what is best for the people in the developing country. The "searcher" approach
stresses the importance of the regional and local research, consulting practitioners who work "in
the field" and who try to understand what is culturally, politically and socially acceptable and
workable in a given area. The West should focus more on the "searcher" approach, to try and
understand the obstacles people face in the field on a daily basis.
82. As noted in our GSM report "The year of elections in the Middle East" from last year, a new
approach to Islamic parties and forces in the MENA region is vital. In particular, these groups often
have democratic support on the local or national level and are important social actors and donors.
83. Western motives and aims behind developmental aid should be better communicated to a
broader audience. As a result of conspiracy theories as well as real past open and secret
interventions from the West, large parts of MENA populations tend to distrust Western, especially
US interference in the MENA region. These suspicions include developmental aid that is
sometimes seen as illegitimate intermingling in genuine cultural fields such as family structures.
Thus "local ownership" of the reform process and of any project or initiative is vital. Outside
pressure risks being perceived as neo-colonialism and alien to local circumstances, culture and
conditions. Local initiatives and support are essential for political legitimacy of all efforts. Genuine
reform in the MENA region must spring from its own cultural and historical context, but it will not
succeed without external encouragement and support.
84. There should be more cooperation with regional developmental aid donors, such as Islamic
development banks and funds from the Gulf state. In addition to having often extensive resources
at their disposal, they are familiar with the regions, its people and culture.
85. MENA countries should be encouraged to revise and liberalize their association laws. This
could be done by offering assistance and expertise in legal reforms. Both the parliaments and
- where existing - the upper chambers could be encouraged to push even more actively for more
civil society activities and legislation. Here, again, help with this process could be offered.
86. Generally, freedom of expression, academia and research should be promoted, stressing
and explaining the positive role these freedoms would play for MENA governments and its citizens.
A general and continued opening of political systems to allow broader civil society participation is
in the interest of both the "West" and the MENA countries and its populations.
87. Various Arab Human Development Reports also concluded that re-evaluating the position of
Arab women is a sine qua non for a stronger civil society. The rise of women cannot be separated
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from a wide and effective movement in Arab civil society aimed at achieving human development
for all. (AHDR 2005)
88. It should be remembered that pursuing political, domestic aims with developmental aid can
be problematic. Withdrawing funding from projects in MENA countries, in order to reach a quick,
communicable output in other countries, e.g. in Afghanistan and Iraq, risks to damage former
projects while a positive outcome in both Afghanistan and Iraq is far from being secure.
89. Among the most important economic issues that should be addressed, especially by the
MENA states themselves, is tackling the unemployment crises, reforms of the educational systems
and economic and political decentralisation. Countries that rely heavily, almost exclusively on oil
and gas sales, should diversify their economies even more than they have done so far.
90. The fight against corruption should also be a priority. It should ideally spring from local
initiatives and should then be supported by Western aid, e.g. through the work of Transparency
International.
91. The foreign investment climate in general should be improved through easing government
regulations, lowering tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade, upgrading judicial and legal
transparency and the capacity of the state to implement law.
92. Free trade agreements between the US, EU and MENA and Gulf states should seriously
been taken forward. If the European Union is able to hold out the possibility of a genuine free trade
area with the Middle East, one not riddled with caveats to protect certain sectors, the incentives for
transition would accordingly be strengthened. The German Foreign Minister said during a recent
meeting in the Gulf States, while Germany was holding the EU Presidency, that he expects a free
trade agreement to be accomplished soon between the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the
27 EU member states.
93. Arab parliaments could play a larger role in their domestic affairs and should come more into
the focus of developmental aid. Currently, the powers of the parliaments in the region are
generally rather low. There are few checks and balances across governmental branches, both in
the monarchies and in the republican regimes such as in Algeria, Egypt and Tunisia. In general,
power is excessively concentrated in the executive branch. Nevertheless, parliaments are
becoming more active, outspoken and influential in some countries. The recent developments in
Kuwait are just one example.
94. Strong institutions and governance are key to improving both aid delivery and effectiveness,
while greater aid levels can help reduce poverty. Parliamentarians in donor countries should
therefore monitor the quantity of aid that their governments have committed to within the usual
budgetary oversight procedures, but they must also work to bolster aid effectiveness and aid
coherence. In recipient countries, parliaments also have a vital role to play in monitoring and
improving the implementation of poverty reduction strategies and aid-financed, "pro-poor" policies.
To build up internal capacities, the NATO PA could offer a capacity training both for
parliamentarians and staff from MENA parliaments.
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VII. REFERENCES AND SOURCES
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
UNDP Arab Human Development Reports 2002-2005
Canadian International Development Agency: http://www.acdi-
cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/JUD-112492047-JU2; http://www.acdi-
cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/JUD-112492047-JU2
Saudi Embassy Washington:
http://saudiembassy.net/2006News/News/RelDetail.asp?clndex=5898
US Middle East Partnership Initiative: http://mepi.state.qov/
EU MEDA: http://ec.europa.eu/comm/external relations/euromed/meda.htm
UNDP Regional Bureau for Arab States: http://www.rbas.undp.orq/about us.shtml
UNDP Program on Governance in the Arab Region: http://www.pogar.ora/
Kreditanstalt kw Wiederaufbau: http://www.kfw-
entwicklungsbank.de/EN Home/KfW Entwicklunqsbank/index.isp; http://www.kfw-
entwicklungsbank.de/EN Home/KfW Entwicklunqsbank/Keyfigures.isp
Worldbank:
http://web.worldbank.orq/VVBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTABOUTUS/EXTANNREP/EXTANNREP2
K5/0„contentMDK:20638730-menuPK:1605583-paqePK:64168445-piPK:64168309-theSit
ePK:1397343,00.html?rc=119229&;
http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/MENAEXT/0„menuPK:247606
-paqePK:146732-piPK:146828-theSitePK:256299,00.html# ftnref1http://web.worldbank.or
q/WBSITE/EXTERNAUCOUNTRIES/MENAEXT/0„menuPK:247606—pagePK:146732-piPK
:146828-theSitePK:256299,00.html# ftnref1
Pogar, Good Governance For Development In The Arab Countries, Arab Civil Societies,
Salim Nasr, January 2005, http://www.arabgov-initiative.org/publications/civilsociety/arab-
civilsociety.pdf
Ibn Khaldun Center for Development Studies, Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab
World. Annual Report. 2004; Published July 2005,
http://www.eicds.org/english/publications/reports/annualreport05/intro.htm
United Arab Emirates Development Aid:
http://www.uaeinteract.com/government/development aid.asp
Kuwait Development Aid: http://www.kuwait-info.com/sidepaqes/eco banking kfaed.asp
Saudi Fund for Development: http://www.sfd.gov.sa/; http://saudinf.com/MAIN/I102.htm
UK Department for International Development: http://www.dfid.qov.uk/pubs/files/rap-menad-
draft.pdf
UN: http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/
http://www.amanjordan.orq/english/index.htm
Arab Network for Human Rights Information: http://www.hrinfo.net/en/
International Bureau for Humanitarian NGOs: http://www.ibh.fr
Euro-Mediterannean Human Rights Network: http://www.euromedriqhts.net/
British Council: http://www.britishcouncil.orq/horne-aboutus-corporate-plan.pdf
US Bureau for Educational and Cultural Affairs:
http://exchanqes.state.gov/education/fulbright/;
http://exchanges.state.govinews/2004/082304.htm
USAID: http://www.usaid.gov/about usaid/; http://www.usaid.gov/policy/budget/cbj2006/ane/;
http://www.usaid.qov/policy/budget/cbi2007/ane/mer.html;
http://www.usaid.qov/locations/asia near east/sectors/dg/;
http://www.usaid.qov/our work/democracy and governance/technical areas/civil society/
European Parliament:
http://www.europarteuropa.eu/intcoop/empa/assembly/default en.htm#nature
European Commission:
http://ec.europa.eu/external relations/daza/docs/06 1006 tim fact sheet.pdf;
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http://ec.europa.eu/comm/external relations/euromed/;
http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/projects/med/reqional/civilforum en.htm;
http://www.euromedalex.org/En/AboutUs.htm;
http://www.euromedinfo.eu/site.335.content.en.html?PHPSESSID=3623a334e32344f160f65
7100a60714b
Daily Star:
http://www.dailvstar.cormlb/article.asp?article ID=82054&categ ID=3&edition id=10
LSE Centre for Civil Society: http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/CCS/what is civil societv.htm
Washington Report on Middle East Affairs:
http://www.wrmea.com/archives/July 2005/0507034.html
Qantara: http://www.gantara.de/webcom/show article.php/ c-476/ nr-
357/i.html?PHPSESSID=5869
UNDP Programme on Governance in the Arab Region: http://www.undp-
poqar.org/governance/civilasp
Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs:
http://www.mofa.qo.ip/policy/oda/region/middle e/index.html;
http://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/oda/summarv/1999/ref3 06.html#Middle%20East;
http://www.mofa.qo.ip/policy/oda/white/2003/part3 1.html
OECD, Paris Declaration:
http://www.oecd.org/pages/0,2966,en 34645207 34645466 1 1 1 1 1,00.html
http://www.oecd.orq/document/22/0,3343,en 2649 3236398 36074966 1 1 1 1,00.htnnl;
http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/11/41/34428351.pdf
Transparency International:
http://www.transparencv.org/content/download/10825/92857/version/1/file/CPI 2006 presski
t enq.pdf; http://www.transparencv.orq/reqional pages/africa middle east;
http://www.transparency.org/reqional paqes/africa middle east/priority areas
Carnegie Endowment:
http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/cmec 1 econ reform final.pdf
Amnesty International: http://web.amnestv.org/report2006/2md-summary-enq
Lebanese Government:
http://www.rebuildlebanon.gov.lb/images Gallery/Paris%20IIP/020First°/020Progress%20Rep
ort.pdf; http://www.rebuildlebanon.gov.lb/english/f/Page.asp?PagelD=95&PageParentID=49
World Bank:
http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/MENAEXT/LEBANONEXTN/0„
menuPK:294913-pagePK:141132-piPK:141107-theSitePK:294904,00.html
UN Security Council Resolution 1701, 11 August 2006,
http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N06/465/03/PDF/N0646503.pdf?OpenElement
Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs: http://www.sweden.gov.se/sb/d/7010,
Matthias Gebauer, Hezbollah's Reconstruction Role, Armed Militants Helping Lebanon
Rebuild, 16 August 2006, http://wmv.spiegel.de/international/0,1518,432054,00.html
Robert Fisk: Hizbollah's reconstruction of Lebanon is winning the loyalty of disaffected Shia,
24 August 2006, http://news.independent.co.uk/fisk/article1221306.ece
William Easterly, The White Man's Burden. Why the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have
Done So Much Ill and So Little Good, Penguin Press, 2006.
NATO Parliamentary Assembly: http://www.nato-
pa. int/Default.asp?CAT2=0&CAT1=0&CAT0=576&SHORTCUT=685